The Business of Bricks and Brick Walls during the Civil War

The usual discussion regarding Edgefield District, Civil War era stoneware is that of the Thomas J. Davies Pottery, Palmetto Fire Brick Works or Bath Fire Brick Works. This potential pottery and confirmed brick works has gained significant notoriety due to an excerpt written by Edwin Altee Barber, first in his book The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States, next in the Art Interchange, third in the Clay Worker, and later in second and third editions of the previously titled book. Throughout the evolution of these articles, Barber speaks of the “coarse brown wares” made out of necessity for the confederate hospitals. However, by the time the article is published in the Clay Worker, it includes an excerpt about slave made “monkey jugs” related to the potteries located in Bath, South Carolina with comparison to “water monkeys” or the historical, Spanish botijo. Presumably, Mr. Barber and Mr. Davies conducted correspondence between Pennsylvania and South Carolina since Mr. Barber was affiliated with the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

These publications, in conjunction with extant face vessels and the Davies’ “Palmetto Fire-Brick Works” ledger have sparked imagination, interpretation and controversy since the historical site has had no professional archaeological excavations. In early 2014, Harvey Teal wrote an excellent article about the Davies’ “Palmetto Fire-Brick Works” account book, which can be found in the Caroliniana Columns spring newsletter.

This documentation begs the questions:

Other than the account book, are there any other documents to substantiate the statements of both Mr. Barber and Mr. Davies?

Did any other Edgefield District potteries contribute to the war effort?

Were the forms of “clabber bowl” and “chamber pot” interchangeable in an effort to adapt to necessity?

08-0122979836_1_l

 

 

 

 

 

 

Part of Barber’s premise for the limited success of the Davies’ brick works and pottery is assumed to be due to the Union Blockade proclaimed by Abraham Lincoln in April 1861.

Scott-anaconda

After discussing this in detail with fellow researcher, Jason Shull, he forwarded me a photograph of a receipt signed by Colonel Thomas Jones Davies after receiving payment for 10,500 bricks. The wares were directly sold to The Confederate States in 1863.

TJD fire brick confederates

The following letter was written by Colonel Davies in January 1863, advertising the quality of bricks produced at his factory named “Bath Fire Brick Works”. Notice, there is no mention of stoneware storage vessels or other table wares, rather the superiority of his fire bricks.

TJD Letter Advert Fire Bricks

A similar receipt, also signed by Thomas J. Davies, for Bath Fire Brick Works is also found within the Confederate Citizen files. The load of 4,000 fire bricks were delivered to Augusta, Georgia.

Bath Fire Brick Works

No mention of Palmetto Fire Brick Works has been found in the Confederate Citizen files to date.

I was also able to locate a payment voucher for the Southern Porcelain Company stating that they supplied the Confederate States Nitre and Mining Service with 10,000 fire bricks. The price paid for the bricks is noted as $200.00, and dated 1864.

Southern Porcelain Fire Brick 1864

However, with the account in Mr. Barber’s book and ledger entry discussed in Mr. Teal’s article, I expected to find receipt of table wares and/or chamber pots for use in the Confederate hospitals. To be more specific, invoices and receipts from the South Carolina Medical Purveyor, Dr. J.J. Chisolm, addressed to Thomas J. Davies and/or Palmetto Fire Brick Works and/or Bath Fire Brick Works.

Dr. J.J. Chisolm, Medical Purveyor of South Carolina

In 1861, shortly after the outbreak of the Civil War, Dr. J.J. Chisolm published the first edition of A Manual of Military Surgery drawing heavily on his experience as an observer in both military and civilian hospitals while in Europe. Two additional editions were published during the course of the Civil War.

On September 20, 1861, Dr. Chisolm was appointed to the rank of Medical Purveyor of South Carolina. By November 1861, he was in Charleston, South Carolina establishing the Medical Purveyor’s office. The purpose of the Purveyor’s Office was to order, receive and distribute medication, surgical equipment and other necessary medical supplies. The purveyor’s office was later moved to Columbia, South Carolina, where Chisolm also set up a medical laboratory for manufacturing pharmaceuticals made scarce by the Union Naval blockade.

This is the preface of the first edition A Manual of Military Surgery published in 1861:
“When the war suddenly broke upon us, followed immediately by the blockading of our ports, all communication was cut off with Europe, which was the expected source of our surgical information. As there had been no previous demand for works on military surgery, there were none to be had in the country, and our physicians were compelled to follow the army to the battle without instruction. No work on military surgery could be purchased in the Confederate States. As military surgery, which is one of expediency, differs so much from civil practice, the want of proper information has already made itself seriously felt. In times of war, where invasion threatens, every citizen is expected to do his duty to his state. I saw no better means of showing my willingness to enlist in the cause than by preparing a manual of instruction for the use of the army, which might be the means of saving the lives and preventing the mutilation of many friends and countrymen.”
Julian J. Chisolm


I have been unable to date to locate any such invoice or receipt, signed by Dr. J.J. Chisolm, for Colonel Davies related to the Medical Purveyor’s office. I have also been unable to locate an invoice or receipt related the Medical Purveyor’s office in the state of Georgia.

In contrast, I was able to locate Confederate Citizen files for both Benjamin Franklin Landrum and Linnaeus Landrum (son of Dr. Abner Landrum) related to the Medical Purveyor’s office in Columbia, South Carolina.

One invoiced receipt addressed to Benjamin Franklin Landrum includes 1035 jugs, 296 jars, and a total of 531 chamber pots. Also noted are pans, pitchers, plates and cups. Mr. Landrum received nearly $1900.00 for his wares upon delivery to Columbia in the fall of 1864. Similarly, Linnaeus Landrum sent over 500 chamber pots, and over 500 jars to the Medical Purveyor’s office in January 1864. He received a little over $1897.00 in payment.

BF Landrum Invoice Receipt
BF Landrum Invoice Receipt
L.M. Landrum Invoice Receipt

The photo, below, illustrates the items that were to be purchased using the “Hospital Fund” according to the Regulations for the Medical Department of the C.S. Army, published in 1862. The “Hospital Fund” was money SAVED by feeding sick and wounded men less than those in active duty. The fund was described as being used to buy “luxuries”. It seems chamber pots, for thousands of men with dysentery and septicema, were indeed considered a luxury.

Hospital Fund Luxuries
Hospital Fund Luxuries

Coincidentally, Dr. Chisolm also received approval by the House of Representatives in December 1863 to increase the volume of “spirituous liquors” produced for medical purposes. A Mr. Berg appears to have supplied bricks for said distillery, and one may infer that the Landrum Family supplied at least a portion of the jugs.

Confederate Spirits 1863 Chisolm Page 1

I do acknowledge that between one third and one half of the city of Columbia was destroyed by fire on February 17th, 1865. Consequently, documents COULD have been destroyed related to the endeavors of Thomas J. Davis, as well as other potters within the Edgefield District such as John W. Seigler and Lewis J. Miles who, surprisingly, are also not located with the Confederate Citizen files.

As usual, these discoveries raise more questions than they supply answers. Perhaps the documented activity of the Landrum family during the war years, in conjunction with extant vessels will help further the accuracy of attributions and enhance education.

For example, this face cup has been directly attributed to the Thomas J. Davies pottery site by also attributing this particular chamber pot or clabber bowl to the same pottery at a recent exhibit at the South Carolina State Museum.  The guest curator of this exhibit was noted by the South Carolina State Newspaper as Mr. Philip Wingard, a southern stoneware dealer.

Face Cup. Photograph courtesy of Rob Hunter
Face Cup. Photograph courtesy of Rob Hunter
Face Cup. Photograph courtesy of Rob Hunter
Face Cup. Photograph courtesy of Rob Hunter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Clabber Bowl or Chamber Pot
Clabber Bowl or Chamber Pot at the SC State Museum Exhibit

The conundrum arises when the chamber pot or clabber bowl (pictured above) is compared to this particular extant vessel (pictured below), albeit with a pouring spout. This clabber or batter bowl appears to be made by a similar hand, of similar materials, and is serendipitously stamped with Landrum cross. This particular makers’ mark has been found at both the Benjamin Franklin Landrum site in present day Aiken County, as well as the Landrum Stork site in present day Richland county.

Landrum Cross

Landrum Cross

 

©2015 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.

Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Matthews & Rhodes

Collin Rhodes is thought to have owned a large land parcel located on Shaw’s Creek in the Edgefield District of South Carolina that was purchased from the Landrum family in 1838. Rhodes, born April 22, 1811, had previously been involved in the stoneware manufactory at Pottersville as part of the firms Drake, Rhodes & Company; Ramey, Rhodes & Company; and Ramey, Rhodes & Gibbs. Based on an article in the Edgefield Advertiser, the latter firm, Ramey, Rhodes & Gibbs was dissolved on January 1, 1839. However, an indenture was filed in early 1839 in which Collin Rhodes retained John Hughes’ (N. Ramey & Co.) one-third interest in the factory until yearly subsequent payments were made in 1840, 1841 and 1842.

Colin Rhodes settling Pottersville Accounts 1839 - 1839 Edgefield_Advertiser_Thu__Feb_28__1839_

Collin Rhodes wed Eliza Landrum, daughter of Amos Landrum on May 12, 1839. On September 3, 1840, Amos Landrum bequeathed to his son in law Collin Rhodes and daughter, Eliza, “one house in Pottersville and the adjoining lot as well as negroes (Judy, May and child Sampson)”. The witnesses of the transaction included Robert W. Mathis and Coleman Rhodes. Prior to this inheritance, Rhodes listed his own house in Pottersville for sale in February 1839.

In April 1840, Collin Rhodes and Robert W. Matthew/Mathis began advertising the Phoenix Stone Ware Factory in the Edgefield Advertiser noting the location as being “twelve miles from the Edgefield Court House on the main road from Newberry, Union and the Upper Districts to Aiken”. Mathis, in conjunction with Rhodes, had also held various interests in the Pottersville manufactory during the mid-1830s. (A clipping of this article can be found in “What About Amos?”)

An extant storage jar decorated with kaolin slip reads “Shaws Creek Pottery 1839” begs for further investigation.

Is the Shaws Creek Pottery also Phoenix Factory?

Photograph Courtesy of Ceramics in America
Photograph Courtesy of Ceramics in America
Photograph Courtesy of Ceramics in America
Photograph Courtesy of Ceramics in America

Collin Rhodes and R.W. Matthews/Mathis can both be found on 1840 U.S. Census living in nearby households. Rhodes enumerates two white males between the ages of 20-30, and one white female between the ages of 20-30. There is also a white female under the age of five. Rhodes also enumerates three slaves. Two males are listed, one between the ages of 10-24, and another between the ages of 24-35. One female is noted between the ages of 10-24. Matthews/Mathis enumerates one white male and one white female between the ages of 30-40. He also enumerates two white males between the ages of 5-10, and one white male under the age of 10. He enumerates three slaves, two males under the age of 10, one male between the ages of 10-24, and one female under the age of ten.

Other households of interest are those of Isaac Durham and Thomas M. Chandler since they have both been identified as potters. Durham can be noted within circumstantial documents related to Pottersville as early as 1814, and through the mid-1820s. Likewise, Chandler can be located in the Edgefield District as early as 1838 when he marries Margaret Durham. Chandler enumerates as a 29 year old veteran, and his wife enumerates being between 20-30. There is also a female child under the age of five within the household. There are no slaves enumerated within the Chandler household. Similarly, Isaac Durham enumerates one white male between 40-50, two white males between 10-15, two white males between 5-10 and one white male under five years of age. There are also two females between the ages of 30-40. There are also no slaves enumerated in the Durham household.

Interestingly on the 1840 U.S. Census, between R.W. Matthews and Thomas M. Chandler, is a household that appears to be “Matthews Rhodes”. After further inspection of the document, it seems more likely that it is actually “Matthews & Rhodes” since an ampersand appears to be present, and the only individuals enumerated are seven slaves. One may infer that at least seven individuals were living at the Phoenix Factory when the census data was collected in November 1840.

1840 Census Matthews & Rhodes

The number of individuals in each household involved in manufacture and trade is as follows:

Isaac Durham                                    1

Collin Rhodes                                     3

R.W. Matthews                                   2

Matthews & Rhodes                        7                     

Thos M. Chandler                              1

Martin Posey                                     1

Since the total slaves present at the Matthews & Rhodes entry is not additive to those listed in the Rhodes, Matthews and Posey households, can one assume that those individuals listed at the factory site are a labor force in addition to the others? If so, that would imply a total labor force at Phoenix Factory of fifteen in the fall of 1840.

Collection of University of South Carolina's McKissick Museum
Collection of University of South Carolina’s McKissick Museum

Also, by mid-1840, Coleman Rhodes began advertising that he had purchased Collin’s share in the Phoenix Factory. Based on the 1850 U.S. Census, he appears to have died prior to 1845. Did Collin regain his ownership, or did Coleman’s wife (Harriet Swearingen Rhodes) gain his equity? I have yet to find a Will or intestate documentation related to Coleman Rhodes.

Coleman Rhodes Edgefield_Advertiser_Thu__Oct_15__1840_

The next question is who are these individuals and where did they come from? A cursory search of the Edgefield Slave Sales finds no purchases by either R.W. Matthews or Colin Rhodes prior to 1847 (after the death of Reverend John Landrum in 1846).

Collin Rhodes is traditionally thought to be the son of James Rhodes and Patience Bridges. James died before 1803 at which time his Will was executed along with a probate of his estate. There is no mention of Collin or Coleman Rhodes in any of those documents. Patience is not the executor, rather Mary Polly Rhodes. It is doubtful that this is the father of Collin Rhodes, rather a grandfather as it appears that the James whose estate was probated in 1803 is James Rhodes, Senior. I have yet to find an index entry for another James Rhodes (Junior) or Patience Bridges Rhodes. Collin Rhodes did receive Judy, May and Sampson from Amos Landrum in 1840, so that accounts for three individuals either within the Rhodes household, or at the factory site. R.W. Matthews/Mathis is equally an enigma in that I have not found any mention of him in the Will and probate documents related to the Matthew/Mathis family throughout the state of South Carolina.

Exploration of the 1839 Ramey & Hughes ledger for Pottersville also gives a few clues.

  1. Collin Rhodes:
  • On March 3rd, Rhodes received $33.33 for “the services of Daniel”.
  • On June 17th, Rhodes paid $2.00 for Daniel “account adjustment”.
  • On July 9th, Rhodes paid J.W. Gibbs $1.50 for Morris.
  1. W. Mathis:
  • On January 26, Mathis paid $7.00 for Daniel
  • On January 13, 1840, Mathis received two months credit in exchange for services and room and board “of your boy Isaiah”. ($31.00 + $7.00)
  1. Rhodes, Ramey & Gibbs:
  • On January 30th, paid J. Kirksey $4.50 for Dave.
  1. Ramey, Rhodes & Company:
  • On December 24, N. Ramey is issued a credit of $132.00 for supplying one year of room and board to “Coleman Rhodes and Leo”.
  1. H. Hughes:

On May, 6, 1840, Hughes is paid $130.00 for Harry (by R.W. Mathis?).

These entries are a testament to the sharing of labor forces. One may also imply that this may also hint at some of the early labor force, in conjunction with Isaac Durham and Thomas Chandler, at the Shaw’s Creek Pottery.

The ledger also raises a myriad of questions:

  1. Is Collin Rhodes the primary owner/investor in Daniel?
  2. Was Daniel a potter?
  3. Was J.W. Gibbs’ “Morris” a potter or laborer?
  4. Was J. Kirksey’s “Dave”, a potter or laborer?
  5. Why was Coleman Rhodes boarded by Nathanial Ramey for an entire year or does this read “Coleman Rhodes’ Leo?
  6. Was he working in Pottersville? If so, what was his trade?
  7. Who is Leo?
  8. What is the skill of Mathis’ “Isaiah”?
  9. Who is Hughes’ Harry?
  10. Did Daniel and Isaiah move to Shaw’s Creek with Mathis & Rhodes?

It seems that further exploration of the genealogy of the Rhodes and Matthews/Mathis families, as well as the business structure of the Pottersville Stoneware Factory may yield further clues that may help in identifying the skilled slave labor in antebellum Edgefield District, South Carolina. It may also lead to further discoveries about Thomas M. Chandler and his presence in South Carolina from approximately 1838 to mid-1852.

I hope to be able to identify other skilled artisans within the slave community using a combination of circumstantial documents and extant stoneware vessels.

Bibliography available upon request.

 

© 2012 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.

Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

What About Amos?

Amos Landrum Loses His Trunk Edgefield_Advertiser_Wed__Mar_2__1859_

Amos Landrum was born circa 1780 to Dr. Samuel B. and Mary Sellers Landrum. His siblings included John, George, Reuben, Abner, Adam (Isham), and Martha. He enumerates in the 1850 Census as having been born in 1779. In 1838, he marries Elizabeth Hatcher although he already has a daughter through a previous relationship, Eliza, who was born circa 1819. In 1839, Eliza marries Collin Rhodes. Amos Landrum dies at the age of 82 in 1862.

A pottery site loosely attributed to Amos was discovered on Shaw’s Creek in 1987 and is identified as 38AK387. The sherds at the site are described as being similar to those found at Pottersville, as well as with marks that have also been found at the site belonging to the Reverend John Landrum.

Traditionally, discussion regarding the manufacturing of stoneware in the Edgefield District of South Carolina focuses primarily on, brothers, Reverend John and Abner Landrum. What about their sibling Amos? How exactly he involved in stoneware production in the Edgefield District?

"L" Stamp often attributed to Amos Landrum
“L” Stamp often attributed to Amos Landrum

Two schools of thought seem to exist. First, there is a body of collectors and researchers that have assumed that Amos was, indeed, a potter. A mark resembling a serif, impressed “L” has been found in both archaeology, and on extant vessels attributed to the Collin Rhodes/Phoenix Factory site located on Shaw’s Creek. The impression has even been identified as Amos Landrum’s maker’s mark. An impressed “M” of the same size and type has also been found at Shaw’s Creek and attributed to Robert W. Mathis.

The second body of collectors and researchers feel that Amos was likely an investor in the production of stoneware based on his social stature within the community and gross lack of evidence that he was, indeed, a potter in the U.S. Census, Wills, probate and equity documents. If the “L” impressed mark is related to Amos, perhaps it was a mark used to track the efficiency of his leased labor force, or the vessels that would be sold to re-coup a possible investment in the since Collin Rhodes was his son-in-law?

Phoenix Factory Edgefield_Advertiser_Thu__May_21__1840_-2
Phoenix Stone Ware Factory advertisement dated April 1, 1840 in the Edgefield Advertiser

The Phoenix Factory pottery advertised its opening in the local newspapers during the spring of 1840. The principal owners were Collin Rhodes and Robert W. Mathis. Based on circumstantial documents related to both Rhodes and Amos Landrum, it appears that Thomas M. Chandler was likely in the Shaw’s Creek area as early as spring of 1839. By combining documents such as the 1840 U.S. Census, Edgefield District deeds and equity, as well as local newspaper publications, it may be inferred the Chandler was likely one of the master potters at the Phoenix Factory pottery.

The Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts in Winston-Salem, North Carolina has a double handled jug with a dual colored swag decoration at the shoulder as part of their permanent collection. Just above the swag on one side of the vessel is the stamp “PHOENIX FACTORY ED:SC” and on the opposing shoulder is an inverted, impressed, serif capital “L”. This impressed letter is grossly similar, if not identical to the “L” found on numerous vessels that have been attributed to Amos Landrum.

In 1840, Amos Landrum was 60 years old, newly married and living with his mother-in-law on the John Hatcher, Sr. estate. Does his age and locale make him more likely or less likely to be a potter?

It can be noted that by middle age, Amos had amassed large land holdings in the area. During the first decade of the 19th century, he and brother John Landrum purchased at least two large parcels on which this site may reside. By the mid 1830’s, Amos Landrum owned almost 5000 acres with nearly half of that being indexed near Shaw’s Creek within the Edgefield District of South Carolina.

He also inherited land holdings when he married Elizabeth Hatcher, daughter of John and Christiana Hatcher.

To date, I am unaware of any unique maker’s mark or signed extant vessels attributed to this particular site. Therefore, I don’t think there is a question as to whether or not Amos owned the property, rather who created the wares.

Perhaps exploring the Edgefield District Slave Sales reference material may reveal inferable material as to whether Amos was a potter, or merely invested in potters and/or potteries. In the Edgefield District Slave Sale records, a man named Brister denoted as a “turner”, his wife and two children were sold to Reuben Drake and Jasper Gibbs after Amos Landrum’s death in 1862. Was the term “turner, referring to a potter? Was this family taken by Drake and Gibbs to Bienville Parish in Louisiana, or did they remain in the Edgefield District?  It is worthy to note that Amos Landrum, although a slave owner, has no (recorded) sale entries in the index until his death. The majority of the individuals listed were inherited through either the Hatcher, or Landrum families. Personally, I feel this implies that he relied on the leasing of labor.

Questions to Explore Further:

Why was this pottery site abandoned?

Was it in production earlier than the site(s) that we usually refer to as “Shaw’s Creek Pottery” or “The Rhodes Pottery”?

Who were the potters? Was it slave labor, itinerant potters or both?

Where was the property that Amos Landrum and Harvey Drake sold to Enoch Phelps in 1821 (60 of nearly 800 acres) with respect to the site attributed to Amos?

What other property(s) were sold by Amos prior to the year 1838?

*General reference material available upon request.

©2015 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.

Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.