Historic Research, Genealogy & Decorative Arts
An 1820s South Carolina estate itemized “50 Gallons Landrum Stone Ware.” The lot appears to have been comprised of jugs, jars and chamber pots sold at a rate of thirty-one cents per gallon. Which Landrum pottery? (Pottersville, Reverend John Landrum, et cetera.)
The decedent appears to have been a local purveyor of spirits, and coincidentally, many who purchased stoneware jugs also purchased whiskey at the advertised estate sale.
An Edgefield face vessel sold last fall at Slotin Folk Art Auction in Gainesville, Georgia. Unlike many similar objects that appear at auction, this piece appears to have a potentially valuable provenance. Mr. Derrick Beard, a collector of African-American Decorative Arts, purchased the face vessel, along with a Thomas Day secretary. Mr. Beard was featured in this article in Antiques and The Arts Weekly immediately following the close of the sale.
The lot description was as follows: Slave-Made Edgefield Face Vessel. c. 1860’s. Alkaline glazed stoneware, African American kaolin eyes and teeth. Produced by slave potters in Edgefield District, S.C. 6.75″ h. Professionally repaired handle and rim, otherwise excellent condition. Provenance: H. Paul Blatner, Savannah, GA, The Acacia Collection and The Old Slave Mart Museum. Exhibited Winston-Salem State University, 1995-1996. Featured in AMERICAN VISIONS – AUG. 1990, TIME LIFE Books African American
Voices of Triumph: Creative Fire 1994, Vol. 3, Page 197, WORLD 1994.
Further provenance provided on an information sheet titled “Acacia Historical Arts International Collection” reads: Face vessels or grotesque jugs as they are sometimes called have been mystery items of American pottery. Although they have an African origin, they are produced by white Americans as well. However, this Edgefield, SC piece is undoubtedly of African American origin. See AMERICAN VISIONS mag. 1990. The uniqueness of this face vessel lies in the fact that it is to date the only face vessel that has been linked with a practitioner [sic] voodoo. In this case, a Savannah black lady who told Mr. Blatner at the time of sale, “It is powerful.”Mrs. Mamie DeVeaux and her family were from Coosawhatchie, S.C. where such practices were common place [sic]. Mr. Blater, a trained museum curator, retains documentary evidence of this practice by Mrs. DeVeaux who earned a very good living advising and counselling [sic] clientele in the city Savannah. Mr. Blatner originally purchased this face vessel for his own personal collection. He guarantees it to be of 19thcentury vintage and not a 20thcentury copy. This item is similar to Plate VII in THE AFRO AMERICAN TRADITION IN DECORATIVE ARTS by John Michael Vlach,1978.
Howard Paul Blatner was a well-known scholar, collector, historian and antiquarian; as well as a Savannah native. He was active in many historic venues, a passionate bottle collector, co-founder of the Great Savannah Exhibition (now the Savannah History Museum), and the museum’s first curator. Sadly, Mr. Blatner passed away in 2015.
The Acacia Collection of African Americana was formally organized in 1989, although Mr. Greene had been collecting objects during the year’s prior. A short biography of Mr. Greene per Emory University reads: Carroll Theodore Greene, Jr. was born on June 17, 1931. Greene lectured, curated many exhibits, and published widely on the work of Africa American artists. In 1967, he co-curated “The Evolution of Afro-American Artists: 1800-1959” with Romare Bearden at the College of the City
University of New York. In 1968, he began a fellowship in Museum Studies at the Smithsonian Institute, where he played a role in adding to the museum’s collection of African American artifacts. He published American Visions, Afro-American Art-1986 in 1987. He was a founding member, curator, and executive director of the Acacia Collection of African Americana, which he formed in 1989. Greene died at his home in Savannah on May 30, 2007.
Traditionally in the literature this type of face vessel has been attributed to the Miles Mill or Sunnybrook pottery located on the present day Edgefield and Aiken county line based on the unique, flat top spout. While the spout and handle on the Slotin piece has been restored, it appears to be modeled after Plate VII in Vlach’s book mentioned above. Another very similar example from the Marcus Benjamin Collection can be found here at The National Museum of American History. Dr. Benjamin wrote extensively about ceramics beginning in the 1890s and was thanked for his “valuable assistance and advice” in the preface to The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States by Dr. Edwin Altee Barber, 1893.
The Edgefield District of South Carolina was located in the southwestern portion of the state. The Landrum family began producing stoneware in the area about 1810, and this practice continued at multiple locales into the 20thcentury. On 6 November 1867, Lewis J. Miles announced that he would be moving all of his business operations, including his stoneware manufactory, to Miles Mill. Prior to this announcement, Miles had worked with his father in law, Reverend John Landrum, in the early 1840s, and later established his own pottery known as the Stony Bluff Manufactory around 1848. Miles move strategically placed his ventures within close vicinity of the railroad, and a specific, scheduled stop at Miles Mill. In Leonard Todd’s Carolina Clay he confirmed that Miles died not long after his move to Miles Mill. He also confirmed that the Stony Bluff Manufactory was leased to freedmen. John L. Miles, son of L.J. Miles, appears to have been manufacturing stoneware at Miles Mill from the time of his father’s death through at least 1880. Based on proximity among the 1870 U.S. Census, potters at Miles Mill may have included David Drake, Mark Jones, Brister Jones, Thomas Jones and Phillip Miles. Likewise, in 1880, potters at Miles Mill may have included William F. Hahn, Mark Jones, Jack Thurman, and Archie Thurman. Joseph G. Baynham may have started manufacturing stoneware prior to 1880 as well, although he was not found among the industrial schedules recorded for the year beginning 1 June 1879 and ending 31 May1880.
What about Mrs. Mamie DeVeaux? How did she gain possession of the piece? If Mr. Greene formally organized the Acacia Collection in 1989, Mr. Blatner most likely purchased the piece pre-emptive to the Acacia as it was part of his personal collection.
Who am I looking for in the documentary record? An African American woman, married at some point, described as “old” (subjectively born about 1900 +/- 15 years) at the time she sold the face vessel, which was likely prior to 1989; and who was originally from the Coosawhatchie area, and might have later lived in Savannah, Georgia. (All within the lifetime of Mr. Blatner who was born 1957).
Coosawhatchie, South Carolina remains an unincorpated community in Jasper County at the head of the Broad River. Prior to 1912, Jasper County was part of Beaufort County, and in 1880, Hampton County encompassed a portion of Beufort County. In the 19thand early 20thcentury, the nearest major town was Ridgeland and other surrounding communities included Gillionsville, Pocotilago, and Sheldon. At the time the 1870 U.S. Census was recorded, individuals living in Coosawhatchie, Pocataligo, and the vicinity would have most likely been enumerated at Gardens Corner, near Sheldon. In 1870, one family by the surname Deveaux and its derivations was found. By 1880, there were eighty-three individuals with the Deveaux surname in Beaufort County, and an additional fifteen in neighboring Hampton County. (SeeMap)
By 1920, there were four individuals named Mamie Deveaux living in either Beaufort or Jasper County, South Carolina. Mamie Devoe (b. 1920) was living in St. Helena with her grandparents. Mamie Deveaux (b. 1906) was living near Sheldon with her parents, James and Hattie. Mamie Deveaux (b. 1892) was living near Coosawhatchie with her husband Benjamin (b. 1885), Earl W. (b. 1920) and Reius (b.1845). There was also a Mamie Devaux (b. 1879) living with her husband, John, in Savannah,Georgia.
By 1930, Mamie Devoe (b. 1919) continued living with her grandparents. Mamie Deveaux (b. 1906), daughter of James and Hattie, was not present in Jasper or the surrounding counties, nor was she present in Chatham County, Georgia. Mamie Deveaux (b. 1910) was living with her father, Kit Wade near Pocatilago. The household following Kit’s contained Ben Deveaux (b.1888), his son Earle (b. 1920) and daughter Irdell [Thelma] (b. 1923). Mamie’s birth year, in this case appears to have been on error on either the census taker, or reporting individual (neither of which were uncommon) since it would have been highly improbable that she was married and gave birth to Earl at age 10.
Mamie’s father, Kitt Wade was born about 1855 and was identified as a “doctor” on two of his three death certificates as well as a grave marker place at the Moncepoe Cemetery by his daughter Ardell W. Bass. The Moncepoe or Mont Repose cemetery, and its history is an article unto itself. Since formal training was unlikely, one may infer that he may have practiced a craft that was passed down to him from his elders, and from him to his children. In 1938, Mamie Wade Deveaux’s father died. As the informant on one of his death certificate, she signed “Mamie Wade.” In turn, Ben Deveaux was living alone in Coosawhatchie at the time the 1940
U.S. Census was recorded. Meanwhile, Mamie and her children were living in Savannah no later than 1940. Although Mamie married for a second time, she appears to have used the Deveaux surname periodically after her second husband passed away. Mamie made a living in Savannah by working as a fortuneteller for the majority of her life. This included writing spells and recipes, reading a crystal ball, tarot cards, et cetera.
This compilation of evidence in combination with Mr. Blatner’s accession statement and documentary evidence strongly suggests that Mamie Wade Deveaux was in possession of the face vessel that now belongs to Mr. Beard. On a personal note, I look forward to further exploring the genealogy and material culture related to this family and region of South Carolina.
References Available Upon Request.
© Copyright November 2017 (Corbett E. Toussaint)
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
Philip and I acquired this painting in 2013, and it was one of the first “fine art” pieces that joined our collection. At the time we thought the painter was “talented,” and we were motivated to acquire it since the child depicted in the work was identified as being from Clinton, South Carolina (Philip’s hometown). Last weekend we entertained several friends, and this particular painting came up in more than one conversation, which re-kindled my interest. The auction catalog description read as follows: “Late 19th century. Note: Signed on verso “Miss Myrtle Bowen died March 25, 1897 age 5 years 3 months, painted by John (illegible) from photo 1898.”
Miss Myrtle Ellen Bowen was born 4th September 1886, presumably in South Carolina, and died 25th March 1897. She appears to have lived most of her young life at Thornwell Orphanage, now known as Thornwell Home for Children, located in Clinton, South Carolina.
The Thornwell Orphanage was founded in October 1875, by Dr. William P. Jacobs for ten boys described as fatherless casualties of the Civil War. Later, Dr. Jacobs also went on to found Clinton, now Presbyterian, College, among other institutions.
Dr. Jacobs actually made mention of Myrtle in his writings, which were later published by his son, Thornwell Jacobs. In a musing about the Thornwell cemetery plot and loss of loved ones, Jacobs said: “The angel of death came even more quickly for others; there was little Myrtle Bowen running from school on a cold winter’s day to a fire that was gone out, and from a coal on the hearth her dress was set in a blaze, and we laid her poor burned body here in this little grave.”
Bowen’s small tombstone, standing in the Thornwell plot at the Clinton cemetery reads: “Though sorry may endure for a night, yet joy cometh in the morning.”
After reading about such a heartbreaking and tragic event, I wanted to learn more about Myrtle. First, I consulted the painting itself. On the front surface, a young girl with light brown hair, blue eyes and a solemn expression stares back at me. Her hair is cut short and parted to one side. On the back, or verso surface of the canvas, there are two different inscriptions.
The first inscription in black ink reads:
Miss Myrtle Bowen,
died March 25, 1897.
aged 5 years 3 months
Painted by John Stolle from Photo.
1898.
A later inscription, written in blue ink reads:
age time of
Deth [sic]
10 years 6 mon.
Therefore, Myrtle Bowen was five years old in the photograph used by the artist to create the work, but simple math shows that she died at age ten.
A search of the online material from the Jackson-Arnold Archives at Presbyterian College yielded many pre-1900 photographs. One, in particular, caught my attention. It identified Dr. Jacobs, Mrs. Liddell, Miss Sallie Liddell, Miss Letha McCants and group of Faith Cottage girls at Thornwell Orphange. The type of photograph and dimensions are not noted within the description, but I will assume that it is either a cart de visite or cabinet card.
The back row (from left to right): Dr. Jacobs, Mrs. Liddell, Miss Sallie Liddell and Letha McCants. Dr. Jacobs was born in 1841, and appears to be in his 50s. Letha McCants was born about 1870, and does appear to be at least twenty years old. Mrs. Liddell’s attire, in particular the collar, appears to date to the late 1880s. Miss McCants tight straight collar, tailored bodice and narrow profile skirt are more consistent with early 1890s clothing trends. Also, generally speaking, based on the long sleeves, tights and boots, the photograph was not taken during the summer months in Laurens County, South Carolina. Therefore, based on the clothing styles and estimated ages of known individuals, this photograph was most likely taken circa 1895. The children pictured appear to have been between the ages of four and twelve years old. (Note the children were standing on the bottom step of the cottage, and the camera positioning and lens distortion made them appear more tall and wide)
A closer examination of the children draws my attention immediately to this young girl. She appears to have been between eight and ten years old, has light hair and eyes, and a similar hairstyle to Myrtle Bowen shown in the painting. Although I’m not completely certain of this young girl’s identity, the resemblance is uncanny, implying that this photograph could have been taken shortly before her tragic and painful death.
A former resident of Thornwell Home for Children informed me that he distinctly remembers being told the story of a young girl who had caught her dress on fire in the Faith Cottage while attempting to dry her hair, and died from her injuries.
And, since there are always more questions than answers:
Who is John Stolle and how did he end up painting a portrait of Myrtle Bowen after her death?
John [Johann] Stolle (1836-1909) was a Dresden born artist who immigrated to the United States no earlier than 1870.
The New York Times announced his arrival on 26th November 1883, which can be further confirmed by his presence on the ship’s passenger manifest. It has been suggested that Stolle was recruited to paint in the city of Charleston, which may have been done by former city mayor William Ashmead Courtenay who was a patron of both historical preservation as well as the arts. Stolle later enumerated in the 1900 U.S. census that he immigrated in 1870, and a painting of Colonel Daniel Heyward (in the manner of Jeremiah Theus) hangs in the Heyward Washington House of a similar date. Therefore, this passenger manifest may simply illustrate Stolle’s travels back to Europe.
It is not clear whether Stolle immediately settled in Charleston, but even if he was living elsewhere, he had completed multiple commissioned paintings for South Carolinians by the early 1880s. In 1884, the Atlanta Constitution announced that Stolle was going to “Paint Columbia.”
Interestingly, Stolle’s paintings were often from a photograph, or copies of original works including those of Charles Wilson Peale, Rembrandt Peale, Thomas Sully, Jeremiah Theus, and John Trumbull. The same year he painted a Columbia cityscape, he also painted a portrait of General Thomas Sumter in the manner of Rembrandt Peale, which is in the collection of the Columbia Museum of Art as well as a portrait of General Francis Marion on exhibit in the City of Charleston.
John Stolle first appeared in the Charleston City Directory in 1892 with a studio in the Mills House. In 1900, he was identified as an artist in the census.
In May 1891, while visiting from England, Theodore Drayton Grimke-Drayton wrote in his diary that on the suggestion of Dr. and Mrs. Pickens he met with German artist, John Stolle, at his studio and arranged for him to copy four works in the genre of oil paintings. He also encouraged Stolle to visit England and complete more work for him there. Grimke-Drayton described Stolle as “a good artist & cheap.” Then, Augustus Sachtleben, a Charleston professor, wrote to Theodore Drayton Grimke-Drayton, Esquire on 5th July 1891 from Flat Rock, North Carolina:
“ Mr. Charles Drayton’s pedigree was copied very handsomely by Mr. Bergmann and delivered to me on the day he had promised to finish it. Before I left [Charleston], I handed it to Mr. Hastie and advised him to have it packed into the box, in which the paintings of Mr. Stolle are to be sent to you. Mr. Stolle had on the first of July finished, besides Gov. Glen’s portrait, which you saw before you left, the square portrait of Mrs. Baker, which we all think an excellent likeness, and the oval portrait of the Rev. John G. Drayton. The latter is very finely executed and alltogether [sic] like the medallion miniature from which it was copied; all who saw it at my house, where it was for a day or two for examination, were very much pleased with the execution. When Emma [Grimke] went to Mr. Charles Drayton at Drayton Hall about the picture at Drayton Hall which Mr. Stolle was to copy for you, Mr. Drayton said the picture was so dilapidated that he did not no [sic] how it could be transported to Charleston; that Mr. Stolle was quite welcome to go up to Drayton Hall to copy it, but that, owing to the climate, this could hardly be done before the fall of next year. I told this to Mr. Stolle and we concluded that the painting of the Shoolbred picture would have to be put off until November. There remain therefore for the present only the two oval pictures of Dictator Rutledge and Mr. Drayton of which Mr. Charles Drayton has supplied the miniature, and the 25 dollar [sic] picture of Mrs. Motte. I advised Mr. Hastie when the paintings are done, to let Mr. Hickey, the picture-frame-man [sic] know, pack them in a box and, as I said before, to add the pedigree. Mr. Hastie will be informed by Mr. Stolle when the latter has finished one of these pictures which are still to be done and Mr. Hastie may then get someone, either Gen. Seigling or Prof. Manigault to examine them, but I think this hardly necessary, for I know Mr. Stolle to be very conscientious, besides he has the prospect of going to England for more work before his eyes.”
Professor Manigault was likely Dr. Gabriel E. Manigault who was a comparative anatomist and director of The Charleston Museum from 1873-1899. Stolle painted a depiction of Manigault in 1894, which is also in the collection of The Charleston Museum. Emma [Grimke] mentioned in the letter was likely the daughter of Augustus Sachtleben who married Reverend John Grimke-Drayton, probable brother of Theodore Drayton Grimke-Drayton. Sachtleben mentioned in the letter that Grimke-Drayton’s brother was scheduled to preach in Flat Rock that summer. Augustus Sachtleben, a Charlestonian was summering in the North Carolina Mountains at a home belonging to Grimke-Drayton. The diary entries and letter pertaining to Stolle can be found in the Grimke Family Papers. John Stolle as an artist or pertaining to painting copies of photographs or portraits can also be found in the correspondence of John D. Cappleman, Rudolph Siengling and James Simons.
Stolle painted commissioned pieces for Charleston City Hall, the Charleston Library Society and the St. Andrew’s Society of Charleston. His works included portraits of John Rutledge (after John Trumbull), Andrew Pickens (after Thomas Sully), General Thomas Sumter (after Rembrandt Peale), Colonel James Kinlock (after Jeremiah Theus), and General William Moultrie (after Charles Wilson Peale) to simply name a few.
He died 26th December 1909 of valvular heart disease.
The portrait of a young orphan girl appears to have been both a departure and dichotomy compared to John [Johann] Stolle’s usual clientele. It remains unclear how Stolle came to paint a portrait of five year old Myrtle Bowen after her death. Perhaps, Dr. William P. Jacobs commissioned the piece following a poignant incident which surely affected Thornwell Orphanage in entirety.
Corbett E. Toussaint © Copyright 2017. All Rights Reserved.
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
In the late 1980s, a South Carolina archeologist found a pair of 19th century stoneware tombstones on the outskirts of the Springfield Missionary Baptist Church graveyard, which is located on the Edgefield and Aiken county line in southwestern portion of the state. Each tombstone was composed of alkaline glazed stoneware clay, and carefully inlaid kaolin clay letters, which recognized both the deceased as well as the objects’ maker (Figures 1 & 2). The craftsman and creator, F.E. Justice, has remained unidentified with any distinction.
STONEWARE PRODUCTION & SPRINGFIELD MISSIONARY BAPTIST CHURCH
Throughout the 19th century alkaline glazed stoneware production was a leading industry in the Edgefield District of South Carolina, which encompassed portions of present day Aiken, Edgefield, Greenwood, McCormick, and Saluda counties. White planters, who initially utilized itinerant potters and enslaved labor to effectively run their businesses, predominantly owned the large production potteries, or factories. After the end of the Civil War, factory owners began employing freedmen. During the last three decades of the 19th century, the Landrum, Miles and Seigler families managed stoneware factories in present day Aiken County, South Carolina.
THE / LORD / F.E. JUSTICE / MAKER. Collection of the South Carolina State Museum.
Remarkably, since its inception, the church has been twice burned down, leveled by a storm, and rebuilt three times.
Today, the sandy graveyard is sprinkled with surviving headstones although many have been broken or damaged by the elements as well as vandals. Headstones or grave markers found here were usually a simple wooden marker, molded concrete tombstones, or no marker at all rather broken household goods or mementos of the deceased. The alkaline glazed stoneware tombstones made by Justice are the only two of such character known to exist, and are the earliest known markers used in the cemetery.
FINDING FORTUNE JUSTICE
The surname Justice was not common in the Old Edgefield District, South Carolina.
However, by 1880 an African American named Fortune [Justice] Jelters, born 1859, was living in Shaws Township, Aiken County, South Carolina where he worked as a “laborer.” His housemates included Wash Miles (age 28), Harriet Miles (wife, age 22), George Miles (son, age 1), and Briscoe [Brister] Jones (age 21). Wash Miles was noted working as a “farmer,” while similar to Justice, Brister Jones was a laborer. Could Fortune Justice be the maker of the stoneware tombstones as “F.E. Justice?”
This seems plausible since Miles, Jones and Justice were living five dwellings away from John W. Seigler who owned a saw mill, grist mill and stoneware pottery on Shaws Creek, near present day Eureka, South Carolina. Seigler, and eventually his son, George Preston Seigler, maintained the sawmill and pottery until 1895. Additionally, Wash Miles and Brister Jones have been positively identified as stoneware potters; and Miles enumerated in the 1880 U.S Census non-population industry schedule as running a stoneware pottery.
Pre-1880 documentation of Fortune Justice, and likewise, Wash Miles are sparse which is not necessarily an uncommon occurrence. Probably born no later than 1860, Justice would have been excluded from the 1867 – 1868 South Carolina Voter’s Registration and 1868 South Carolina Militia Registration; but would have been included in the 1869 South Carolina State Population Census and 1870 U.S. Census. In turn, Wash Miles (born no earlier than 1852) and Brister Jones (born no later than 1861) should have had similar patterns of record exclusion and inclusion. Just as the three were excluded from the voter’s registration and militia roll, none of them were found as head of household, the only named individual per dwelling noted in the state census, which would be consistent with a hierarchal family structure.
Furthermore, Fortune Justice and Wash Miles have not been found in the 1870 U.S. Census. Brister Jones, on the other hand, was found living in Edgefield County, Shaw’s Creek Township with stoneware potters Mark Jones (his father) and David Drake. Likewise, Miles’ future common law wife, Harriet Pope was also found living in Shaw’s Creek Township with her parents, Wade and Mary Pope. Notably, the emancipated African American community was ensconced in a hostile political and social climate during Reconstruction, which likely discouraged participation by individuals and encouraged enumerators to casually undercount in particular geographic areas. Additionally, stoneware potters were itinerant, even within a finite radius and could have been away from home selling wares or traveling between factory sites, thus having missed the enumerator’s visit. A surname change by Justice and Miles was also considered, but no compelling evidence was discovered for further pursuit.
THE WILL OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN LANDRUM, SR.
Benjamin Franklin Landrum, Sr. born 1810 operated a stoneware factory in the Horse Creek Valley for more than four decades. On 3 June 1887, he penned a codicil to his 1884 will dictating how a variety of debts accrued by his children were to be collected by the estate after his death. Notably, long time neighbor, William Riggs, with an “X” as his mark, witnessed the codicil. On the line below Riggs, in careful script, the final witness signed “F.E. Justice.” When Landrum died in December 1888, the estate was appraised and personal property sold by the sheriff on 15 January 1889. Both “Wash Mils [sic]” and “Justic Fortun [sic]” purchased multiple items at the sale; two of only three identified African Americans who participated in the probate sale.
This codicil entry and probate sale participation illustrates a direct association between (Fortune) E. Justice and B.F. Landrum, demonstrates literacy on Justice’s part, and implies Justice’s standing amongst the potting community at not only the Seigler pottery, but also the Landrum factory. F.E. Justice’s intimate involvement with the Landrum family along with Fortune Justice’s and, his fellow potter and peer, Wash Miles further suggests that Fortune (F.E.) Justice was the creator of the stoneware tombstones.
STONEWARE AS GENEALOGICAL MATERIAL CULTURE
The three stoneware artifacts described are dual purpose in that they contain both material culture context as well as and genealogical information.
/ MEMORY / OFF / HENRY / DANIELS / BORN SEPT / THE . 6 . 1868 / DIDE . JULY / THE . 24 . 1873 / F.E. JUSTICE / MAKER.”
In the first two examples, F.E. Justice used a local, established industry, materials and techniques to create a unique product (alkaline glazed stoneware tombstones) for the deceased, Henry Daniels and Robert Haszard; specific to southwestern South Carolina. Robert Haszard [Hazzard], after the burial of his wife, was found living near the Miles and Landrum potteries, less than three miles from the Springfield Missionary Baptist Church in 1870 and 1880 as part of the Shaws Creek, and later Shaw Township community.
Lastly, a stoneware face vessel resides in the collection of the Smithsonian’s The National Museum of American History. The name “JOE RANFORD” is found incised circumferentially around the shoulder in a font exceptionally similar to that used by F.E. Justice on the stoneware tombstones. Joe Ranford, African American and born 1861, was living two dwellings away from John W. Seigler; and three dwellings away from Fortune Justice, Wash Miles and Brister Jones at the time the 1880 U.S. census was recorded. A comparison of the font used on the tombstones created by F.E. Justice to the Ranford face jug is compelling. While kaolin clay was not inlaid to form each letter on the jug, a difficult task to complete on a concave ceramic body, the execution of serif-style font letters E, R, A, F and N are nearly identical to those found on the tombstones. (Figures 5 – 9). If, in 1880, Fortune Justice was living with potters Wash Miles and Brister Jones near the John W. Seigler pottery on Shaws Creek, Joe Ranford was also living three households away, the face jug’s archeological attributes suggest it was likely made at the Seigler pottery, and analysis of the incised font used is comparable to that of the tombstones; then the evidence further identifies Fortune Justice as F.E. Justice, stoneware potter and craftsman.
CONCLUSION:
Although fleeting in the documentary record, F.E. Justice, has been identified as Fortune Justice, a talented, Reconstruction Era African American potter. Justice’s identity could be found using indirect community associations, employment, kinship, and the artisan’s distinct style and technique as a signature.
Reference material available upon request.
Copyright 2016 © Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
© 2016 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
The usual discussion regarding Edgefield District, Civil War era stoneware is that of the Thomas J. Davies Pottery, Palmetto Fire Brick Works or Bath Fire Brick Works. This potential pottery and confirmed brick works has gained significant notoriety due to an excerpt written by Edwin Altee Barber, first in his book The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States, next in the Art Interchange, third in the Clay Worker, and later in second and third editions of the previously titled book. Throughout the evolution of these articles, Barber speaks of the “coarse brown wares” made out of necessity for the confederate hospitals. However, by the time the article is published in the Clay Worker, it includes an excerpt about slave made “monkey jugs” related to the potteries located in Bath, South Carolina with comparison to “water monkeys” or the historical, Spanish botijo. Presumably, Mr. Barber and Mr. Davies conducted correspondence between Pennsylvania and South Carolina since Mr. Barber was affiliated with the Philadelphia Museum of Art.
These publications, in conjunction with extant face vessels and the Davies’ “Palmetto Fire-Brick Works” ledger have sparked imagination, interpretation and controversy since the historical site has had no professional archaeological excavations. In early 2014, Harvey Teal wrote an excellent article about the Davies’ “Palmetto Fire-Brick Works” account book, which can be found in the Caroliniana Columns spring newsletter.
This documentation begs the questions:
Other than the account book, are there any other documents to substantiate the statements of both Mr. Barber and Mr. Davies?
Did any other Edgefield District potteries contribute to the war effort?
Were the forms of “clabber bowl” and “chamber pot” interchangeable in an effort to adapt to necessity?
Part of Barber’s premise for the limited success of the Davies’ brick works and pottery is assumed to be due to the Union Blockade proclaimed by Abraham Lincoln in April 1861.
After discussing this in detail with fellow researcher, Jason Shull, he forwarded me a photograph of a receipt signed by Colonel Thomas Jones Davies after receiving payment for 10,500 bricks. The wares were directly sold to The Confederate States in 1863.
The following letter was written by Colonel Davies in January 1863, advertising the quality of bricks produced at his factory named “Bath Fire Brick Works”. Notice, there is no mention of stoneware storage vessels or other table wares, rather the superiority of his fire bricks.
A similar receipt, also signed by Thomas J. Davies, for Bath Fire Brick Works is also found within the Confederate Citizen files. The load of 4,000 fire bricks were delivered to Augusta, Georgia.
No mention of Palmetto Fire Brick Works has been found in the Confederate Citizen files to date.
I was also able to locate a payment voucher for the Southern Porcelain Company stating that they supplied the Confederate States Nitre and Mining Service with 10,000 fire bricks. The price paid for the bricks is noted as $200.00, and dated 1864.
However, with the account in Mr. Barber’s book and ledger entry discussed in Mr. Teal’s article, I expected to find receipt of table wares and/or chamber pots for use in the Confederate hospitals. To be more specific, invoices and receipts from the South Carolina Medical Purveyor, Dr. J.J. Chisolm, addressed to Thomas J. Davies and/or Palmetto Fire Brick Works and/or Bath Fire Brick Works.
In 1861, shortly after the outbreak of the Civil War, Dr. J.J. Chisolm published the first edition of A Manual of Military Surgery drawing heavily on his experience as an observer in both military and civilian hospitals while in Europe. Two additional editions were published during the course of the Civil War.
On September 20, 1861, Dr. Chisolm was appointed to the rank of Medical Purveyor of South Carolina. By November 1861, he was in Charleston, South Carolina establishing the Medical Purveyor’s office. The purpose of the Purveyor’s Office was to order, receive and distribute medication, surgical equipment and other necessary medical supplies. The purveyor’s office was later moved to Columbia, South Carolina, where Chisolm also set up a medical laboratory for manufacturing pharmaceuticals made scarce by the Union Naval blockade.
This is the preface of the first edition A Manual of Military Surgery published in 1861:
“When the war suddenly broke upon us, followed immediately by the blockading of our ports, all communication was cut off with Europe, which was the expected source of our surgical information. As there had been no previous demand for works on military surgery, there were none to be had in the country, and our physicians were compelled to follow the army to the battle without instruction. No work on military surgery could be purchased in the Confederate States. As military surgery, which is one of expediency, differs so much from civil practice, the want of proper information has already made itself seriously felt. In times of war, where invasion threatens, every citizen is expected to do his duty to his state. I saw no better means of showing my willingness to enlist in the cause than by preparing a manual of instruction for the use of the army, which might be the means of saving the lives and preventing the mutilation of many friends and countrymen.”
Julian J. Chisolm
I have been unable to date to locate any such invoice or receipt, signed by Dr. J.J. Chisolm, for Colonel Davies related to the Medical Purveyor’s office. I have also been unable to locate an invoice or receipt related the Medical Purveyor’s office in the state of Georgia.
In contrast, I was able to locate Confederate Citizen files for both Benjamin Franklin Landrum and Linnaeus Landrum (son of Dr. Abner Landrum) related to the Medical Purveyor’s office in Columbia, South Carolina.
One invoiced receipt addressed to Benjamin Franklin Landrum includes 1035 jugs, 296 jars, and a total of 531 chamber pots. Also noted are pans, pitchers, plates and cups. Mr. Landrum received nearly $1900.00 for his wares upon delivery to Columbia in the fall of 1864. Similarly, Linnaeus Landrum sent over 500 chamber pots, and over 500 jars to the Medical Purveyor’s office in January 1864. He received a little over $1897.00 in payment.
The photo, below, illustrates the items that were to be purchased using the “Hospital Fund” according to the Regulations for the Medical Department of the C.S. Army, published in 1862. The “Hospital Fund” was money SAVED by feeding sick and wounded men less than those in active duty. The fund was described as being used to buy “luxuries”. It seems chamber pots, for thousands of men with dysentery and septicema, were indeed considered a luxury.
Coincidentally, Dr. Chisolm also received approval by the House of Representatives in December 1863 to increase the volume of “spirituous liquors” produced for medical purposes. A Mr. Berg appears to have supplied bricks for said distillery, and one may infer that the Landrum Family supplied at least a portion of the jugs.
I do acknowledge that between one third and one half of the city of Columbia was destroyed by fire on February 17th, 1865. Consequently, documents COULD have been destroyed related to the endeavors of Thomas J. Davis, as well as other potters within the Edgefield District such as John W. Seigler and Lewis J. Miles who, surprisingly, are also not located with the Confederate Citizen files.
As usual, these discoveries raise more questions than they supply answers. Perhaps the documented activity of the Landrum family during the war years, in conjunction with extant vessels will help further the accuracy of attributions and enhance education.
For example, this face cup has been directly attributed to the Thomas J. Davies pottery site by also attributing this particular chamber pot or clabber bowl to the same pottery at a recent exhibit at the South Carolina State Museum. The guest curator of this exhibit was noted by the South Carolina State Newspaper as Mr. Philip Wingard, a southern stoneware dealer.
The conundrum arises when the chamber pot or clabber bowl (pictured above) is compared to this particular extant vessel (pictured below), albeit with a pouring spout. This clabber or batter bowl appears to be made by a similar hand, of similar materials, and is serendipitously stamped with Landrum cross. This particular makers’ mark has been found at both the Benjamin Franklin Landrum site in present day Aiken County, as well as the Landrum Stork site in present day Richland county.
©2015 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
Collin Rhodes is thought to have owned a large land parcel located on Shaw’s Creek in the Edgefield District of South Carolina that was purchased from the Landrum family in 1838. Rhodes, born April 22, 1811, had previously been involved in the stoneware manufactory at Pottersville as part of the firms Drake, Rhodes & Company; Ramey, Rhodes & Company; and Ramey, Rhodes & Gibbs. Based on an article in the Edgefield Advertiser, the latter firm, Ramey, Rhodes & Gibbs was dissolved on January 1, 1839. However, an indenture was filed in early 1839 in which Collin Rhodes retained John Hughes’ (N. Ramey & Co.) one-third interest in the factory until yearly subsequent payments were made in 1840, 1841 and 1842.
Collin Rhodes wed Eliza Landrum, daughter of Amos Landrum on May 12, 1839. On September 3, 1840, Amos Landrum bequeathed to his son in law Collin Rhodes and daughter, Eliza, “one house in Pottersville and the adjoining lot as well as negroes (Judy, May and child Sampson)”. The witnesses of the transaction included Robert W. Mathis and Coleman Rhodes. Prior to this inheritance, Rhodes listed his own house in Pottersville for sale in February 1839.
In April 1840, Collin Rhodes and Robert W. Matthew/Mathis began advertising the Phoenix Stone Ware Factory in the Edgefield Advertiser noting the location as being “twelve miles from the Edgefield Court House on the main road from Newberry, Union and the Upper Districts to Aiken”. Mathis, in conjunction with Rhodes, had also held various interests in the Pottersville manufactory during the mid-1830s. (A clipping of this article can be found in “What About Amos?”)
An extant storage jar decorated with kaolin slip reads “Shaws Creek Pottery 1839” begs for further investigation.
Is the Shaws Creek Pottery also Phoenix Factory?
Collin Rhodes and R.W. Matthews/Mathis can both be found on 1840 U.S. Census living in nearby households. Rhodes enumerates two white males between the ages of 20-30, and one white female between the ages of 20-30. There is also a white female under the age of five. Rhodes also enumerates three slaves. Two males are listed, one between the ages of 10-24, and another between the ages of 24-35. One female is noted between the ages of 10-24. Matthews/Mathis enumerates one white male and one white female between the ages of 30-40. He also enumerates two white males between the ages of 5-10, and one white male under the age of 10. He enumerates three slaves, two males under the age of 10, one male between the ages of 10-24, and one female under the age of ten.
Other households of interest are those of Isaac Durham and Thomas M. Chandler since they have both been identified as potters. Durham can be noted within circumstantial documents related to Pottersville as early as 1814, and through the mid-1820s. Likewise, Chandler can be located in the Edgefield District as early as 1838 when he marries Margaret Durham. Chandler enumerates as a 29 year old veteran, and his wife enumerates being between 20-30. There is also a female child under the age of five within the household. There are no slaves enumerated within the Chandler household. Similarly, Isaac Durham enumerates one white male between 40-50, two white males between 10-15, two white males between 5-10 and one white male under five years of age. There are also two females between the ages of 30-40. There are also no slaves enumerated in the Durham household.
Interestingly on the 1840 U.S. Census, between R.W. Matthews and Thomas M. Chandler, is a household that appears to be “Matthews Rhodes”. After further inspection of the document, it seems more likely that it is actually “Matthews & Rhodes” since an ampersand appears to be present, and the only individuals enumerated are seven slaves. One may infer that at least seven individuals were living at the Phoenix Factory when the census data was collected in November 1840.
The number of individuals in each household involved in manufacture and trade is as follows:
Isaac Durham 1
Collin Rhodes 3
R.W. Matthews 2
Matthews & Rhodes 7
Thos M. Chandler 1
Martin Posey 1
Since the total slaves present at the Matthews & Rhodes entry is not additive to those listed in the Rhodes, Matthews and Posey households, can one assume that those individuals listed at the factory site are a labor force in addition to the others? If so, that would imply a total labor force at Phoenix Factory of fifteen in the fall of 1840.
Also, by mid-1840, Coleman Rhodes began advertising that he had purchased Collin’s share in the Phoenix Factory. Based on the 1850 U.S. Census, he appears to have died prior to 1845. Did Collin regain his ownership, or did Coleman’s wife (Harriet Swearingen Rhodes) gain his equity? I have yet to find a Will or intestate documentation related to Coleman Rhodes.
The next question is who are these individuals and where did they come from? A cursory search of the Edgefield Slave Sales finds no purchases by either R.W. Matthews or Colin Rhodes prior to 1847 (after the death of Reverend John Landrum in 1846).
Collin Rhodes is traditionally thought to be the son of James Rhodes and Patience Bridges. James died before 1803 at which time his Will was executed along with a probate of his estate. There is no mention of Collin or Coleman Rhodes in any of those documents. Patience is not the executor, rather Mary Polly Rhodes. It is doubtful that this is the father of Collin Rhodes, rather a grandfather as it appears that the James whose estate was probated in 1803 is James Rhodes, Senior. I have yet to find an index entry for another James Rhodes (Junior) or Patience Bridges Rhodes. Collin Rhodes did receive Judy, May and Sampson from Amos Landrum in 1840, so that accounts for three individuals either within the Rhodes household, or at the factory site. R.W. Matthews/Mathis is equally an enigma in that I have not found any mention of him in the Will and probate documents related to the Matthew/Mathis family throughout the state of South Carolina.
Exploration of the 1839 Ramey & Hughes ledger for Pottersville also gives a few clues.
On May, 6, 1840, Hughes is paid $130.00 for Harry (by R.W. Mathis?).
These entries are a testament to the sharing of labor forces. One may also imply that this may also hint at some of the early labor force, in conjunction with Isaac Durham and Thomas Chandler, at the Shaw’s Creek Pottery.
The ledger also raises a myriad of questions:
It seems that further exploration of the genealogy of the Rhodes and Matthews/Mathis families, as well as the business structure of the Pottersville Stoneware Factory may yield further clues that may help in identifying the skilled slave labor in antebellum Edgefield District, South Carolina. It may also lead to further discoveries about Thomas M. Chandler and his presence in South Carolina from approximately 1838 to mid-1852.
I hope to be able to identify other skilled artisans within the slave community using a combination of circumstantial documents and extant stoneware vessels.
Bibliography available upon request.
© 2012 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
Amos Landrum was born circa 1780 to Dr. Samuel B. and Mary Sellers Landrum. His siblings included John, George, Reuben, Abner, Adam (Isham), and Martha. He enumerates in the 1850 Census as having been born in 1779. In 1838, he marries Elizabeth Hatcher although he already has a daughter through a previous relationship, Eliza, who was born circa 1819. In 1839, Eliza marries Collin Rhodes. Amos Landrum dies at the age of 82 in 1862.
A pottery site loosely attributed to Amos was discovered on Shaw’s Creek in 1987 and is identified as 38AK387. The sherds at the site are described as being similar to those found at Pottersville, as well as with marks that have also been found at the site belonging to the Reverend John Landrum.
Traditionally, discussion regarding the manufacturing of stoneware in the Edgefield District of South Carolina focuses primarily on, brothers, Reverend John and Abner Landrum. What about their sibling Amos? How exactly he involved in stoneware production in the Edgefield District?
Two schools of thought seem to exist. First, there is a body of collectors and researchers that have assumed that Amos was, indeed, a potter. A mark resembling a serif, impressed “L” has been found in both archaeology, and on extant vessels attributed to the Collin Rhodes/Phoenix Factory site located on Shaw’s Creek. The impression has even been identified as Amos Landrum’s maker’s mark. An impressed “M” of the same size and type has also been found at Shaw’s Creek and attributed to Robert W. Mathis.
The second body of collectors and researchers feel that Amos was likely an investor in the production of stoneware based on his social stature within the community and gross lack of evidence that he was, indeed, a potter in the U.S. Census, Wills, probate and equity documents. If the “L” impressed mark is related to Amos, perhaps it was a mark used to track the efficiency of his leased labor force, or the vessels that would be sold to re-coup a possible investment in the since Collin Rhodes was his son-in-law?
The Phoenix Factory pottery advertised its opening in the local newspapers during the spring of 1840. The principal owners were Collin Rhodes and Robert W. Mathis. Based on circumstantial documents related to both Rhodes and Amos Landrum, it appears that Thomas M. Chandler was likely in the Shaw’s Creek area as early as spring of 1839. By combining documents such as the 1840 U.S. Census, Edgefield District deeds and equity, as well as local newspaper publications, it may be inferred the Chandler was likely one of the master potters at the Phoenix Factory pottery.
The Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts in Winston-Salem, North Carolina has a double handled jug with a dual colored swag decoration at the shoulder as part of their permanent collection. Just above the swag on one side of the vessel is the stamp “PHOENIX FACTORY ED:SC” and on the opposing shoulder is an inverted, impressed, serif capital “L”. This impressed letter is grossly similar, if not identical to the “L” found on numerous vessels that have been attributed to Amos Landrum.
In 1840, Amos Landrum was 60 years old, newly married and living with his mother-in-law on the John Hatcher, Sr. estate. Does his age and locale make him more likely or less likely to be a potter?
It can be noted that by middle age, Amos had amassed large land holdings in the area. During the first decade of the 19th century, he and brother John Landrum purchased at least two large parcels on which this site may reside. By the mid 1830’s, Amos Landrum owned almost 5000 acres with nearly half of that being indexed near Shaw’s Creek within the Edgefield District of South Carolina.
He also inherited land holdings when he married Elizabeth Hatcher, daughter of John and Christiana Hatcher.
To date, I am unaware of any unique maker’s mark or signed extant vessels attributed to this particular site. Therefore, I don’t think there is a question as to whether or not Amos owned the property, rather who created the wares.
Perhaps exploring the Edgefield District Slave Sales reference material may reveal inferable material as to whether Amos was a potter, or merely invested in potters and/or potteries. In the Edgefield District Slave Sale records, a man named Brister denoted as a “turner”, his wife and two children were sold to Reuben Drake and Jasper Gibbs after Amos Landrum’s death in 1862. Was the term “turner, referring to a potter? Was this family taken by Drake and Gibbs to Bienville Parish in Louisiana, or did they remain in the Edgefield District? It is worthy to note that Amos Landrum, although a slave owner, has no (recorded) sale entries in the index until his death. The majority of the individuals listed were inherited through either the Hatcher, or Landrum families. Personally, I feel this implies that he relied on the leasing of labor.
Questions to Explore Further:
Why was this pottery site abandoned?
Was it in production earlier than the site(s) that we usually refer to as “Shaw’s Creek Pottery” or “The Rhodes Pottery”?
Who were the potters? Was it slave labor, itinerant potters or both?
Where was the property that Amos Landrum and Harvey Drake sold to Enoch Phelps in 1821 (60 of nearly 800 acres) with respect to the site attributed to Amos?
What other property(s) were sold by Amos prior to the year 1838?
*General reference material available upon request.
©2015 Corbett E. Toussaint. All Rights Reserved.
Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Corbett E. Toussaint and justnorthofsouthern.com with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
“There is nothing that distinguishes the settlement of Edgefield from that of other districts in the upper and middle country.”
– Robert Mills, Statistics of South Carolina, 1826.